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A history being writtenOur Present Tells Our PastThe history of the San Gabriel Valley is fascinating to say the least. No need to embellish the cultural resilience, domination, exploration, and exploitation of this region, the history tells itself. In the national landscape, local understanding of our own racial past might be lost. But a brief examination of history reveals, the SGV owes its brilliance and greatness to the resilient story of minorities that were exploited in American history. By reckoning with a troubled past, we can grasp the brilliance of the opportunity in the present, for a revisioned prosperous future.
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The San Gabriel Valley is the original land of the Kizh
Kizh People
The Land of the IndigenousThe Kizh are indigenous people who historically inhabited the Los Angeles Basin and the Southern Channel Islands. After Spanish colonization, the Kizh also became known as the Gabrieleño and Fernandeño people. These names came from two missions built in their territory, Mission San Gabriel Arcángel and Mission San Fernando Rey de España (San Gabriel and San Fernando Valleys)
_______ Evidence suggests that the Kizh are descended from Uto-Aztecan-speaking peoples, originating from present-day Nevada, and moved southwest into coastal Southern California around 3,500 years ago. _______ The Kizh people, separated in various villages, occupied SGV until the Spanish colonized the area through the mission system. Many Kizh were killed by disease, forced to convert and enslaved, or continued to rebel. |
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Slavery in California
The Story of ColonizationSpanish Occupation and the Mission System (1771-1821)In 1771, the San Gabriel Mission was established as California’s fourth mission. The San Gabriel Mission, like the other missions of the California missions system, was a tool of colonization that destroyed much of the indigenous tribes that previously occupied the land.
___________________ The missions worked to convert Native Americans to Christianity then forced them to work, which established the power and wealth of further expansion of the mission. Disease, violence, and oppression worked to diminish the presence of the tribes in the region and ultimately led to the Kizh tribes meeting their suppression into slavery and eventual slaughter; however, many persisted. Ultimately, there would be 21 missions throughout California in a geographical path known as the El Camino Real. ___________________ Spanish rule would come to an end as Spain sensed vulnerability in its ability to retain control over California and feared losing influence. This fear ushered in the start of Mexican possession of California. |
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INTRODUCING THE RANCHOS
Mexican Possession and Secularization
(1821-1848)
Ranchos, Rancheros, and Vaqueros
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Ranchos
Ranchos are large areas of land that were provided by the Spanish and Mexican governments through land grants. From 1769-1821, the Spanish provided ranchos in the form of life estates. Meaning the settler had the rights to possess and graze on the land; however, once the settler died, the land went back to the Spanish government. From 1821-1846, Mexico took over Alta California (SGV) and gave out land grants as well. However, these were permanent grants that would allow the owners of the land to keep it forever. SGV was divided up into about ten Ranchos, information for each is below. ___________ Rancheros Rancheros are individuals who work on/own the ranchos. The names of early owners of ranchos granted/owned around SGV, included: Henry Dalton, Ygnacio Palomares, Ricardo Vejar, Luis Arenas, John Rowland, William Workman, Francisco Temple, Elias Baldwin, Hugo Reid, J.S. Slauson, Andres Duarte, Juan Marine, Jose Perez, Enrique Sepulveda, Manuel Garfias, Manuel Antonio, Juan Matias Sanchez, Jorge Murillo, Manuel Nieto, and Antonio Lugo. Several of these individuals were white, dignitaries (or their children), or were high-ranking loyalists serving in the Spanish or Mexican military. ___________ Vaqueros Before switching to agriculture, SGV ranchos were used for grazing cattle. This was facilitated by vaqueros. Vaqueros are Spanish cowboys. The vaquero culture was prevalent all throughout Alta California, even up to Canada. Moreover, because cattle, or more specifically, beef, could not be transported long distances, the market would have been kept regional. Making vaquero culture an integral aspect to SGV history. |
COLONIZED AGAIN
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THE TREATY & U.S. OWNERSHIP
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California Gold Rush
The California Gold Rush was sparked by the discovery of gold nuggets in the Sacramento Valley in early 1848 and was arguably one of the most significant events to shape American history during the first half of the 19th century. As news spread of the discovery, thousands of prospective gold miners traveled by sea or over land to San Francisco and the surrounding area; by the end of 1849, the non-native population of the California territory was some 100,000 (compared with the pre-1848 figure of less than 1,000). A total of $2 billion worth of precious metal was extracted from the area during the Gold Rush, which peaked in 1852. For more information on the California gold rush click here. The California gold rush brought people from all over the world. There was was gold found the in San Gabriel Mountains. Not only did the California gold rush bring about a large number of newcomers, it also brought a diverse group of newcomers.
This photo was retrieved from this website a site where you can find out more about the gold rush in SGV.
From Agriculture to Bedroom Community
(Post-Civil War-1930s)
After the Civil War and the ranchos era, many of the ranchos were sub-divided and sold or homesteaded. Agriculture became the primary industry of SGV. Wine grapes and citrus were some of the major crops produced in SGV that resulted in the establishment of its infrastructure. After large agriculture, SGV transitioned to what is known as a "bedroom community." This was largely due to the "small farm movement," where individuals owned acres of land for the purpose of supplementing their income with farming. These plots of land were called "subsistence homesteads." Not only did these homesteads become popular, they were advertised and funded by the U.S. government. Moreover, the GI bill helped those who fought in the war relocate to SGV.
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Asian Experience in SGV
(1882-Current)
Chinese Removal
The Chinese Removal Act of 1882 suspended entry of Chinese laborers into the United States. This included skilled and unskilled laborers and those engaged in mining. The Scott Act of 1888 made it illegal for Chinese laborers who left the U.S. prior to the law passing to come back after the law passed, and if they made it back in, illegal for them to stay. This required Chinese laborers to choose between their families and the U.S. The Geary Act of 1892 made it a requirement for Chinese laborers to register for a certificate of residence. If they were caught without their certificates, they were subject to deportation, unless they could produce a credible white witness to verify their residence. The Chinese Removal Act was significant on the culture, economy, and demography of SGV. Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, and south Asians worked in the fields to produce the grapes, citrus, and other crops that would work to build the infrastructure of the SGV. The Chinese Removal Act slowed assimilation and concentrated Asians into enclaves located in Downtown Los Angeles called “Chinatown” and “Little Tokyo.” Despite the legal mistreatment of Mexicans and Chinese, SGV remained a place for political and social justice advocacy to the Mexican community.
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Japanese Internment
After the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor in World War II, the loyalty of the Japanese in the U.S. came under question. Although the Japanese community in the U.S. did what they could to express their allegiance, in 1942, President Franklin Roosevelt signed an executive order ordering the internment of Japanese persons in the U.S. At this time, there were more Japanese in Los Angeles than anywhere else in the country. The order required all Japanese persons to move away from critical spaces, such as naval bases, airports, or anywhere else the person could access sensitive information regarding the war. All Japanese persons were required to register. 117,000 Japanese were relocated to concentration camps, many of them lived in SGV. Two-thirds of them were native born. Santa Anita racetrack and the Fairplex in Pomona in the SGV provided concentration camps that held thousands of Japanese persons in sub-human conditions. Some families had to stay in horse stalls. Many were relocated to other states. The result is many Japanese people who once occupied SGV relocated elsewhere throughout the country. Japanese internment ended in 1945. In 1988, the U.S. paid a reparation of $20,000 to survivors, but the Japanese community of the SGV will remain forever changed.
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Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965
World War II and the wartime economy attracted new people to SGV. It is during this time the SGV transformed from an agricultural power to what is called a “bedroom community.” Monterey Park particularly became the resting point of Latinos and Asians from Los Angeles. The passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which prevented the national discriminatory policy of the Immigration and National Act of 1924 paved the way for easier access to the U.S. for Asians and Latinos. It did this by ending the “National Origins Formula,” which preferred immigrants from northern Europe. The formula worked to keep America as anglo as possible and it ended with the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. The impact was significant diversification of SGV.
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Chinese Immigration
Chinese migration to the SGV is notable because of the diversity of skills and capital. This is especially true with the Taiwanese. They were highly skilled, educated, and capital-rich. This provided easier access to immigration visas through Chinese-owned and mainstreamed businesses. 88 percent of Chinese immigrant entrepreneurs reported having a four-year degree, compared to 35 percent white-male business owners. Many already owned businesses in the their native mainland and would travel back and forth, conducting transnational business. These transnational businesses were maintained by frequent visits to and from China. The expansion and success of Chinese business in SGV led to an increase in low-skilled Asian immigrants who had access to housing and labor in SGV. Some Asian immigrants came and left family behind or brought family and traveled back home. The result was a transnational household arrangement. The class of Asian immigrants migrating to SGV during and after the 1990’s was different from the native-born Latino and Chinese immigrant communities of Los Angeles as they were able to use their resources, skills, and education to position themselves in the white middle class. As Asians moved in, white people moved out. This social phenomena has resulted in SGV being racially divided between Asians, Latinos, and whites.
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The Chinese Removal Act of 1882 suspended entry of Chinese laborers into the United States. This included skilled and unskilled laborers and those engaged in mining. The Scott Act of 1888 made it illegal for Chinese laborers who left the U.S. prior to the law passing to come back after the law passed, and if they made it back in, illegal for them to stay. This required Chinese laborers to choose between their families and the U.S. The Geary Act of 1892 made it a requirement for Chinese laborers to register for a certificate of residence. If they were caught without their certificates, they were subject to deportation, unless they could produce a credible white witness to verify their residence. The Chinese Removal Act was significant on the culture, economy, and demography of SGV. Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, and south Asians worked in the fields to produce the grapes, citrus, and other crops that would work to build the infrastructure of the SGV. The Chinese Removal Act slowed assimilation and concentrated Asians into enclaves located in Downtown Los Angeles called “Chinatown” and “Little Tokyo.” Despite the legal mistreatment of Mexicans and Chinese, SGV remained a place for political and social justice advocacy to the Mexican community.
___________
Japanese Internment
After the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor in World War II, the loyalty of the Japanese in the U.S. came under question. Although the Japanese community in the U.S. did what they could to express their allegiance, in 1942, President Franklin Roosevelt signed an executive order ordering the internment of Japanese persons in the U.S. At this time, there were more Japanese in Los Angeles than anywhere else in the country. The order required all Japanese persons to move away from critical spaces, such as naval bases, airports, or anywhere else the person could access sensitive information regarding the war. All Japanese persons were required to register. 117,000 Japanese were relocated to concentration camps, many of them lived in SGV. Two-thirds of them were native born. Santa Anita racetrack and the Fairplex in Pomona in the SGV provided concentration camps that held thousands of Japanese persons in sub-human conditions. Some families had to stay in horse stalls. Many were relocated to other states. The result is many Japanese people who once occupied SGV relocated elsewhere throughout the country. Japanese internment ended in 1945. In 1988, the U.S. paid a reparation of $20,000 to survivors, but the Japanese community of the SGV will remain forever changed.
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Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965
World War II and the wartime economy attracted new people to SGV. It is during this time the SGV transformed from an agricultural power to what is called a “bedroom community.” Monterey Park particularly became the resting point of Latinos and Asians from Los Angeles. The passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which prevented the national discriminatory policy of the Immigration and National Act of 1924 paved the way for easier access to the U.S. for Asians and Latinos. It did this by ending the “National Origins Formula,” which preferred immigrants from northern Europe. The formula worked to keep America as anglo as possible and it ended with the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. The impact was significant diversification of SGV.
___________
Chinese Immigration
Chinese migration to the SGV is notable because of the diversity of skills and capital. This is especially true with the Taiwanese. They were highly skilled, educated, and capital-rich. This provided easier access to immigration visas through Chinese-owned and mainstreamed businesses. 88 percent of Chinese immigrant entrepreneurs reported having a four-year degree, compared to 35 percent white-male business owners. Many already owned businesses in the their native mainland and would travel back and forth, conducting transnational business. These transnational businesses were maintained by frequent visits to and from China. The expansion and success of Chinese business in SGV led to an increase in low-skilled Asian immigrants who had access to housing and labor in SGV. Some Asian immigrants came and left family behind or brought family and traveled back home. The result was a transnational household arrangement. The class of Asian immigrants migrating to SGV during and after the 1990’s was different from the native-born Latino and Chinese immigrant communities of Los Angeles as they were able to use their resources, skills, and education to position themselves in the white middle class. As Asians moved in, white people moved out. This social phenomena has resulted in SGV being racially divided between Asians, Latinos, and whites.
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Chicano History
SGV, previously Alta California, was the land of Mexico. Chicano means of Mexican descent. The history of California is largely Chicano history. It is colonization that brought the Hispanic and European elements of California, but the indigenous Kizh people were here for thousands of years prior to Spanish colonization. The Chicano people have experienced a troubled history in California, but because of their native roots in Mexico and history in the region, have maintained a strong presence in the SGV. Racist distribution of land and racially restrictive covenants heavily impacted the ability of many Chicanos to compete economically, but culturally, the SGV owes much of its culture to the Chicano community.
Nuestra Señora Reina de los Angeles Asistencia was founded in early 1784 within the burgeoning Pueblo de Los Ángeles as an asistencia (or "sub-mission") to the nearby Mission San Gabriel Arcángel. The assistant mission fell into disuse over time and a Catholic chapel, La Iglesia de Nuestra Señora Reina de los Ángeles, was constructed in its place a mere thirty years later. The city has witnessed a development of a Latino (mainly Mexican) cultural presence since its settlement as a city in 1769. Mexican-Americans have been one of the largest ethnic groups in Los Angeles since the 1910 census, as Mexican immigrants and US-born Mexicans from the Southwest states came to the booming industrial economy of the LA area between 1915 and 1960. This migration peaked in the 1920s and again in the World War II era (1941–45).
The trend of Hispanization began in 1970, then accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s with immigration from Mexico and Central America (especially El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala). These immigrants settled in the Los Angeles' eastern and southern neighborhoods. By 2000, South Los Angeles was a majority Latino area, displacing most previous African-American and Asian-American residents. Los Angeles is often said to have the largest Mexican population outside Mexico and has the largest Spanish-speaking population outside Latin America or Spain. As of 2007, estimates of the number of residents originally from the Mexican state of Oaxaca ranged from 50,000 to 250,000. Montebello was the first Spanish settlement in California in Los Angeles County.
Nuestra Señora Reina de los Angeles Asistencia was founded in early 1784 within the burgeoning Pueblo de Los Ángeles as an asistencia (or "sub-mission") to the nearby Mission San Gabriel Arcángel. The assistant mission fell into disuse over time and a Catholic chapel, La Iglesia de Nuestra Señora Reina de los Ángeles, was constructed in its place a mere thirty years later. The city has witnessed a development of a Latino (mainly Mexican) cultural presence since its settlement as a city in 1769. Mexican-Americans have been one of the largest ethnic groups in Los Angeles since the 1910 census, as Mexican immigrants and US-born Mexicans from the Southwest states came to the booming industrial economy of the LA area between 1915 and 1960. This migration peaked in the 1920s and again in the World War II era (1941–45).
The trend of Hispanization began in 1970, then accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s with immigration from Mexico and Central America (especially El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala). These immigrants settled in the Los Angeles' eastern and southern neighborhoods. By 2000, South Los Angeles was a majority Latino area, displacing most previous African-American and Asian-American residents. Los Angeles is often said to have the largest Mexican population outside Mexico and has the largest Spanish-speaking population outside Latin America or Spain. As of 2007, estimates of the number of residents originally from the Mexican state of Oaxaca ranged from 50,000 to 250,000. Montebello was the first Spanish settlement in California in Los Angeles County.
The 10 Freeway Opens Up
The 10 freeway played a significant role in the construction of the SGV. Homes were advertised based on their ease of access to Los Angeles. This made migrating to SGV enticing for all; however, due to restrictive covenants and discrimination, Black Americans were not able to purchase during this time, but Asians and Latinos were. Moreover, because of racial discrimination, minorities able to move out to SGV often stayed within their ethnic groups, which resulted in further concentration of Asians and Latinos in certain enclaves. The Chinese from "Chinatown," the Japanese from "Little Tokyo," the Koreans from "K-town, or Koreatown," the Latinos from East L.A. and other minority groups migrated East and the white Americans moved out of communities they once claimed as home.
RACIAL SEGREGATION
Where are the Black People?
African Americans have been in California since the Spanish conquest and have had a reported presence per the U.S. census since around 1850. In 1850, there were about 962 African Americans, but this number grew to 4,086 people by 1860. By 1910, there were just under 22,000 African Americans, which totaled less than one percent of California's population. However, after World War II, from 1940 to about 1970, there was the Second Great Migration, where about 5 million Black Americans would leave the South in search of economic opportunity. The Second Great Migration caused the Black population in California to increase. However, once here, Black Americans continued to experience discrimination and racism. Historically, Black individuals in California, and more specifically Los Angeles County, have had disproportionately higher homeless rates. The Black population in SGV is historically low because the law and the communities have worked to keep potential Black residents out.
RACIAL SEGREGATION
A History of Race-Relations Currently Being Written
Segregation (Racial Zoning ended 1917)
There was a natural segregation that occurred in the colonization process where European colonizers were preferred over the Kizh indigenous people. Then Mexicans joined Europeans in their land grants throughout the SGV, privileges bestowed upon them from Spanish colonization. The war and treaty resulted in Americans and European settlers being preferred through a legal structure that extorted minorities and less wealthy for their land. Colonization of SGV resulted in the enslavement of the indigenous and the exploitation of native-born minorities by denying them ownership of land. Legal mechanisms like redlining were further put in place to prevent land ownership of minorities, once segregation was no longer legal.
Racial zoning was ended by Buchanan v. Warley.
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Restrictive Covenants (1920s-1948)
When the government was no longer allowed to deny funding to developers on the basis of racial discrimination, the government permitted private discrimination by allowing restriction on non-white purchasing housing in certain areas. When this was no longer legal, they restricted non-white individuals from occupying housing in certain areas. These covenants were written right into the housing contracts and therefore worked to create white-only areas of SGV. Ended by Shelley v. Kramer.
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Redlining (1934-1968)
Redlining is the federal and local governments and the private sector denying products or services or raising the price for said products and services for certain groups. Redlining practices resulted in a denial of funding for developers to build housing that could be occupied by non-white individuals. Redlining made it impossible for developers to develop and for individuals to gain mortgages in certain parts of SGV if they were not white. Redlining was ended by the Fair Housing Act of 1968.
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Rumford Act and Proposition 14 (1963-1964)
The Rumford Fair Housing Act was passed in 1963 by the California Legislature to help end racial discrimination by property owners and landlords who refused to rent or sell their property to "colored" people. It was drafted by William Byron Rumford, the first African American from Northern California to serve in the legislature. The Act made it illegal for landlords to discriminate on the basis of ethnicity, religion, sex, marital status, physical handicap, or familial status. In response, the California put on the ballot for consideration Proposition 14, which states: "Neither the State nor any subdivision or agency thereof shall deny, limit or abridge, directly or indirectly, the right of any person, who is willing or desires to sell, lease or rent any part or all of his real property, to decline to sell, lease or rent such property to such person or persons as he, in his absolute discretion, chooses." It passed overwhelmingly with 65.39% approval. Proposition 14 was challenged and ruled unconstitutional by the California (1966) and U.S. Supreme Court (1967) in Reitman v. Mulkey.
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Blockbusting and White Flight (1970 - Current)
When minorities did overcome the restrictive covenants, they would endure harassment, violence, and discrimination. If the minorities continue to live in the white areas, then real estate agents would do what is called blockbusting. The real estate agents would convince white owners to sell their properties at lower prices out of fear that minorities were moving in. This resulted in white flight, which is the phenomenon of white people moving out of an area, usually urban, to another area, usually suburban. Examples of white flight can be seen in SGV from 1970 to present day. In 1950, Monterey Park was 99 percent white. In 1960, Monterey Park was 85 percent white. By 1970, white Americans made up 51 percent, 34 percent were Latino, and 15 percent were Asian. In 2000, Monterey Park was only seven percent white, 41 percent Chinese, 21 percent other Asian (Japanese, Vietnamese, Filipino, and other Southeast Asians), 30 percent Latino, and one percent Black.
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Mortgage and Income Discrimination
Another form of keeping certain areas white is housing price and mortgage discrimination. Minorities having to pay higher prices for their mortgages means less are able to afford them. By increasing the cost of mortgages or the price fo the houses for minority buyers in white areas, various pockets of SGV have been able to slow the diversity of their cities.
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There was a natural segregation that occurred in the colonization process where European colonizers were preferred over the Kizh indigenous people. Then Mexicans joined Europeans in their land grants throughout the SGV, privileges bestowed upon them from Spanish colonization. The war and treaty resulted in Americans and European settlers being preferred through a legal structure that extorted minorities and less wealthy for their land. Colonization of SGV resulted in the enslavement of the indigenous and the exploitation of native-born minorities by denying them ownership of land. Legal mechanisms like redlining were further put in place to prevent land ownership of minorities, once segregation was no longer legal.
Racial zoning was ended by Buchanan v. Warley.
___________
Restrictive Covenants (1920s-1948)
When the government was no longer allowed to deny funding to developers on the basis of racial discrimination, the government permitted private discrimination by allowing restriction on non-white purchasing housing in certain areas. When this was no longer legal, they restricted non-white individuals from occupying housing in certain areas. These covenants were written right into the housing contracts and therefore worked to create white-only areas of SGV. Ended by Shelley v. Kramer.
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Redlining (1934-1968)
Redlining is the federal and local governments and the private sector denying products or services or raising the price for said products and services for certain groups. Redlining practices resulted in a denial of funding for developers to build housing that could be occupied by non-white individuals. Redlining made it impossible for developers to develop and for individuals to gain mortgages in certain parts of SGV if they were not white. Redlining was ended by the Fair Housing Act of 1968.
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Rumford Act and Proposition 14 (1963-1964)
The Rumford Fair Housing Act was passed in 1963 by the California Legislature to help end racial discrimination by property owners and landlords who refused to rent or sell their property to "colored" people. It was drafted by William Byron Rumford, the first African American from Northern California to serve in the legislature. The Act made it illegal for landlords to discriminate on the basis of ethnicity, religion, sex, marital status, physical handicap, or familial status. In response, the California put on the ballot for consideration Proposition 14, which states: "Neither the State nor any subdivision or agency thereof shall deny, limit or abridge, directly or indirectly, the right of any person, who is willing or desires to sell, lease or rent any part or all of his real property, to decline to sell, lease or rent such property to such person or persons as he, in his absolute discretion, chooses." It passed overwhelmingly with 65.39% approval. Proposition 14 was challenged and ruled unconstitutional by the California (1966) and U.S. Supreme Court (1967) in Reitman v. Mulkey.
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Blockbusting and White Flight (1970 - Current)
When minorities did overcome the restrictive covenants, they would endure harassment, violence, and discrimination. If the minorities continue to live in the white areas, then real estate agents would do what is called blockbusting. The real estate agents would convince white owners to sell their properties at lower prices out of fear that minorities were moving in. This resulted in white flight, which is the phenomenon of white people moving out of an area, usually urban, to another area, usually suburban. Examples of white flight can be seen in SGV from 1970 to present day. In 1950, Monterey Park was 99 percent white. In 1960, Monterey Park was 85 percent white. By 1970, white Americans made up 51 percent, 34 percent were Latino, and 15 percent were Asian. In 2000, Monterey Park was only seven percent white, 41 percent Chinese, 21 percent other Asian (Japanese, Vietnamese, Filipino, and other Southeast Asians), 30 percent Latino, and one percent Black.
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Mortgage and Income Discrimination
Another form of keeping certain areas white is housing price and mortgage discrimination. Minorities having to pay higher prices for their mortgages means less are able to afford them. By increasing the cost of mortgages or the price fo the houses for minority buyers in white areas, various pockets of SGV have been able to slow the diversity of their cities.
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Still Divided
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White-Majority (Around the Edges)
Claremont (50.2), La Verne (48.8), Glendora (49.2), San Dimas (45.9), Sierra Madre (65.6), South Pasadena (42.4), and Altadena (40). |
Latino-Majority (In the Center)
Azusa (63.6), Covina (58.7), West Covina (53.2), Pomona (71.5), La Puente (84.2), Valinda (77.8), Baldwin Park (74.2), Duarte (49.9), El Monte (65.8), South El Monte (84), and Montebello (77.9). |
Asian-Majority (Between White / Latino)
Diamond Bar (55), Rowland Heights (61.9), Walnut (63.4), Arcadia (60.8), Temple City (62), Rosemead (60.6), Monterey Park (66.5), Alhambra (51.2), San Gabriel (59.7), and San Marino (59.5). |
Three cities have two races within about 5 percent of each other, they are:
Hacienda Heights [Latino (45.3) and Asian (40.6)],
Monrovia [Latino (40.7) and white (35.2)],
and Pasadena [white (35.4) and Latino (34.8)].
Hacienda Heights [Latino (45.3) and Asian (40.6)],
Monrovia [Latino (40.7) and white (35.2)],
and Pasadena [white (35.4) and Latino (34.8)].
